After a Bad Night in Tahrir: First Year Arabic Students at UT Sing "Sawt al-Hurriya"

Bad stuff seems to have happened last night/this morning in Tahrir Square, and the situation iS still unclear. After a day of protests demanding that Mubarak be tried and other issues, some military officers, apparently, joined the protest, and at this point the Army moved in to arrest them. Clashes ensued, and while the Army seemed to succeed for a while, in the end the people apparently retook the square. This is going to increase tensions with the Army, which still seems uncertain of its real role.

While this sorts itself out: One of the great folk anthems of the Egyptian Revolution was "Sawt al-Hurriya," (In every street of my country/the voice of freedom is sounding). I posted it on Feburary 11, the day Mubarak stepped down. It has an inspiring beat and inspiring words. The original video is here:



The words are in some ways pretty easy for beginning Arabic students, and now the University of Texas First Year Arabic Students have done their own version for YouTube:



If I'd had that in my first year of Arabic, I'd probably have learned the language with less pain and struggle.

I'll be celebrating my daughter's birthday this weekend, so I'll see you Monday.

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The Power of Friday: Jum‘a and the Withdrawal of Consent

By now I think anyone interested enough in the Middle East to be reading this blog is probably aware of the power of Fridays: both Ben Ali and Mubarak stepped down on Fridays, and each Friday marks new high water marks in the growing protests in Yemen, Syria, and elsewhere. (And before the Libyan bloodbath was fully under way, the joke went around that Qadhafi had decided to abolish Fridays.)

At the basic level, the reason is obvious. One of the five pillars of Islam is salat, communal prayer. While Islam also recognizes the role of private prayer (du‘a), it is the communal prayer, five times a day, when Muslims pray at a common time and with a common ritual (with minor variations), that the umma, the community of believers, is most in evidence. The weekly noon prayer on Friday, the Jum‘a, literally the "assembly" or "coming together," is the most important outward symbol of the faith. It is simply not possible to order people to stay in their houses when they are required by religious law to pray together.

Other days of the week are mostly just given a number, but Friday is yom al-jum‘a, the day of communal prayer. Not every mosque (masjid) is a Friday Mosque (masjid jum‘a or simply and most commonly Jami‘): traditionally each town, or each major quarter of a city, would have one Friday Mosque, where the Imam would give a sermon. Therefore, while daily prayer might be performed in small neighborhood prayer halls or at home, Friday prayer would mean a large gathering of people in a public place. With an Imam giving a sermon. The most important would be the main mosque in the capital city. "Friday prayer leader in Tehran" is still a powerful post in Iran's clerical system.

So no autocrat can really dare tell people not to pray. And he had better hope that the sermon given by the imam is favorable.

It goes back, though, quite a ways. In classical Islamic times, under the Caliphs, the legal definition of what today we would call "sovereignty" or "legitimacy" was whoever enjoyed the khutba wa sikka. The khutba is the Friday sermon given at the main Friday mosque; part of it is devoted to asking God's blessing on the local ruler. Sikka means the coinage (wa just means "and").The rightful ruler was, then, the person (usually a man, but I'll tell you about Sultana Shagarat al-Durr one of these days), who is mentioned in the Friday sermon and whose name appears on the coinage.

You can probably see the next step. One of the surest signs of rebellion, coup, or a son displacing his father was when a new name was mentioned in the khutba, thus (ritually at least) transferring power to a new leader. If the ‘ulama' (the "clergy," though the term is really inappropriate in Sunni Islam) wanted to bring down a leader, they could replace his name in the khutba, though then as now that could incur serious consequences. But the Friday sermon could be, and sometimes was, the means of announcing a change of leadership — or of instigating one. The Friday prayer was the place many rebellions began, or at least were publicly proclaimed, when someone else's name was read in the khutba. To transfer the name marked a withdrawal of legitimacy, a religiously sanctioned (attempt at least at a) transfer of power.

A related concept is the bay‘a, the offering of allegiance to a ruler. Withdrawal of the bay‘a amounted to withdrawal of consent (of the governed, if you will) in recognizing the legitimacy of the ruler. Changing the name in the khutba was a sign of withdrawal of the bay‘a.

The concept of khutba wa sikka may not be familiar to a lot of people in the Arab street today, but the Friday prayer is still a rallying point where the government cannot (dare not) prohibit crowds from gathering, and where, if the man in the minbar or pulpit is not a government sycophant, people can be roused up before leaving the mosque. And this is nothing new: many of the revolutions in Islamic history began with a withdrawal of the khutba invocation.

Friday is yom al-jum‘a, the Day of Assembly, and Friday prayer is Jum‘a, the day the umma assembles together. When our First Amendment speaks of "Freedom of Assembly," I doubt if the framers had a clue about Friday prayer, but it is the one free assembly Muslim rulers dare not restrict. And when Teddy Roosevelt talked about a "bully pulpit," I doubt if he thought of the imam giving a khutba from the minbar, but the concepts are not unrelated. Nor is withdrawal of the bay‘a from a ruler that far from the concept of "whenever a government becomes destructive of these ends ..."

I certainly don't want to carry this too far: the Caliphate was not a democracy. But when the religious establishment rejected a ruler, it could bring him down (sometimes).

Just as withdrawing the khutba recognition could signal the end of a Caliph or Sultan, so is the Friday mosque still a center for potential dissidence. Hence, (‘Alawite minority) President Bashar al-Asad's meeting with the (Sunni) Imams of major Syrian cities just days before tomorrow's Friday prayers.

Let's see what happens today.

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From "Sandmonkey": "7 Popular Myths About the [Egyptian] Revolution"

The blogger (I think his name is Mahmoud Salem from his Twitter account) who calls his blog "Rantings of a Sandmonkey," and who tweets more than he blogs these days, is (as you might guess from his nom de blog) usually an irreverent, profane, and outspoken voice of young Egyptian rebellion, though one with an uncharacteristically pro-Western bias. Since the Revolution, his longer-form blogging has picked up again, and he has a very interesting piece up called "7 Popular Myths About the Revolution," which I think is very balanced and sane, not to mention well-informed. And since his language is for once in the PG-13 range or mite warmer, I recommend it to you.

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What is the Sound of One Hand Not Clapping Any More?

One of the mantras of the revolution in Egypt was "The Army and the People Are One Hand," meaning essentially working hand in hand for the same goal. Recent Military Council decrees — limiting any demonstration that could effect economic health, limiting strikes, narrowing the limits of political life, the still not fully resolved issues of what happened to demonstrators, and particularly women, at the Museum on March 9 — have alienated many of the young revolutionaries. This could mean a lot or a little depending on the Army's response, but last night some of the young Egyptian activists started a new Twitter hashtag, #ExposeTheArmy.

The Military Council's aloof and somewhat removed style so far (its decrees go out on Facebook and sometimes a Major General comes out and answers questions, but the Field Marshal and other senior commanders generally only meet with foreign dignitaries), this is not a good omen. Tahrir Square is still there, and the revolutionaries are still suspicious.

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Another Angry Friday

Today will be another protest Friday, another day of rage in many countries. In Syria the protesters are calling it Martyr's Friday, after the dead in Deraa and Latakia. In Yemen, both pro-Salih and anti-Salih forces will assemble in force. Bahrain, though the lid is on tightly, is under a lot of pressure. In Egypt yet another Million Man March has been proclaimed, as "Rescue the Revolution Day."

More as the day goes on. Meanwhile check Twitter hashtag #arabfriday.

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Will March be the Month of No Resignations?

Yemen's ‘Ali ‘Abdullah Salih looked close to an exit late last week; on Friday even some of his own Cabinet were talking about him being gone in a day or two. Now he's hanging tough once again, insisting 95% of the people support him and that it's the other 5% who should leave. He has a track record of promising not to run again and then doing so, which is why his promise to quit by the end of the year did not impress the opposition.

If Salih hangs on, it suggests we will not see an autocrat departing office in March, having gotten used to the revolution-of-the-month, with Ben Ali in January and Mubarak in February. Of course, the speed with which upheaval has spread is still extraordinary by any historical standard. But Qadhafi is hanging on (regaining ground again today), while Bahrain has plugged its volcano for the time being, with Saudi support. It's still early days in Syria. I would expect there to be more leaders toppled from power in coming weeks and months, but it's unlikely to be universal, and there will be those who are able to reform ahead of the tsunami. I do think Qadhafi will not now recover full power, and that Salih has already lost it in Yemen but is in denial; but I've learned not to make predictions about this amazing time, when so few of the old rules apply. Like the Red Queen, I've learned to believe six impossible things before breakfast.

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Troubles Everywhere

So much is happening today — right now I count demonstrations or major clashes in Yemen, Syria, Bahrain, Jordan, and Egypt, and the ongoing conflict in Libya — that rather than try to comment now I'm going to let the day play out and then sum it up.

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So That's What I've Got

Middle East Revolt Fatigue Syndrome. Read the symptoms. Recognizing your illness is the first step to recovery. Perhaps we need a twelve-step program. Hat tip to Amy Hawthorne via Facebook.

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A Multimedia Collection of the Egyptian Revolution

Here is what appears to be a huge multimedia collection on the Egyptian revolution to date, called I Am #Jan25, including pictures and videos. It appears to be a valuable archive. I also find very interesting their masthead logo, which is the word "Misr" ("Egypt" in Arabic) but with the "r" transformed into the crescent-and-cross image of the 1919 Revolution.

I'm not alone in seeing links between 1919 and 2011.

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Update on Iran

I'm an unapologetic Arabist, but I do follow Iran and try to stay current. Though clearly the regime is not in immediate jeopardy, the arrests of Moussavi and Karroubi and their wives continues to prov0ke criticism: these aren't seditious enemies of the state, but among the makers of the 1979 Revolution. Now Grand Ayatollah Musavi-Ardebili has criticized the regime.

The British-based Enduring America's Worldview blog is doing a good job of covering Iran and all the other revolutions. Until I have more time I definitely recommend reading them.

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On a Lighter Note

With so much revolution happening, there hasn't been much room for humor lately. Oh, there's Qadhafi, but the more of his people he kills, the less amusing he is. So I thought I'd note a fine bit of parody.

Last week, Thomas Friedman of The New York Times, known for drawing broad metaphors (the Lexus and the Olive Tree; the world is flat, etc.), wrote a piece in which he pontificated on the revolutions in the Middle East and drew some rather broad conclusions about the reasons (Barack Obama, Google Earth, the Beijing Olympics among them). You need to read the column first, to understand what follows. A lot of bloggers who wish they made as much money as Friedman does (I wish I did too) have skewered the Friedman column, but the funniest treatment I've seen is by Cairo-based Sarah Carr. (Strong language warning.)

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Egypt's Bastille Day: Egyptians Dismantling State Security as Army Stands By

More State Security centers are falling. Not just one but many Bastilles. The State Security HQ in Nasr City, a suburb of Cairo, had a reputation as a main center for torture. Having fallen to protesters, many documents, including files on large numbers of people, have been captured and are appearing online. Pictures of the storming here.

January 25 and February 11 will long be remembered, but March 4 and 5 are Bastille day in Egypt. This may be the real revolution. State Security is being dismantled by the people and the Army is not interfering; in fact by some accounts the Army is facilitating it.

Check out the #AmnDawla hashtag on Twitter. I thought this captured some of the mood:

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Why So Much Attention on Libya, So Little Elsewhere?

Today, Egypt's new Prime Minister went to Tahrir Square and told the demonstrators he would support their goals and resign if he couldn't implement them. There were growing tensions in Iraq between protesters and Nuri al-Maliki's government. In Yemen Salih rejected the proposed deal for him to step down, and security forces reportedly fired on demonstrators. Major protests continued in Bahrain and Algeria. Iran continues to hold Mousavi and Karroubi and their wives, amid continuing protests. The cauldrons continue to bubble in Algeria and Bahrain, with protests in Morocco, Jordan, Oman, and even a few stirrings in Saudi Arabia.

Did you know all that? Well, given the expertise of my readers, many of you probably did. But outside of Al Jazeera, few international news organizations are focusing on anything but Libya. Now, Hillary Clinton just gave Al Jazeera a big boost for just that reason, and they're capitalizing on it.

Of course, being based in the region, Al Jazeera has some advantages. Most Western media have only a few people to deploy to the whole region, and currently need a team in Tripoli, another in Benghazi, another on the Tunisian border, and perhaps one on the Egyptian. Libya is a war zone; the other protests aren't. Some, like Angry Arab, think Iraq is being ignored because revolts against Maliki don't fit the Western narrative, buy then why ignore Algeria?

Personally, I think it's oversaturation. I haven't talked about Iraq either, but not because I have some personal investment in Nuri al-Maliki. Nobody can be everywhere at once. I would not be surprised if — but also wouldn't be surprised if the opposite happens — Salih in Yemen goes before Qadhafi. At this point, the situation continues to defy any predictions based on past experience.

As the Libyan war draws all the attention, just remember things are happening in the other rings of this circus, not just the center ring.

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Wisdom from Fouad Ajami(!)

Professor Fouad Ajami ( a neighbor of ours since Johns Hopkins SAIS is just across our back alley from MEI) has, in recent decades, been something of a darling of the neocons, since he has long been a critic of certain aspects of the Arab and Islamic worlds. In the neocon pantheon of favorite Middle East experts he hasn't ranked far below Bernard Lewis. But watching him on CNN in recent weeks, his enthusiasm for the revolutionary fervor sweeping the Arab world has been both unmistakable and pretty close to my own. His New York Times op-ed piece, "How the Arabs Turned Shame into Liberty," even contains the following:

There is no overstating the importance of the fact that these Arab revolutions are the works of the Arabs themselves. No foreign gunboats were coming to the rescue, the cause of their emancipation would stand or fall on its own. Intuitively, these protesters understood that the rulers had been sly, that they had convinced the Western democracies that it was either the tyrants’ writ or the prospect of mayhem and chaos.

Amen. Hardly the old neocon argument that we must bring democracy to the Middle East. I'm not sure what the neocons will think of Ajami's recent comments, but I find them refreshing.

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Libya's Flag War

In the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions, the national flag was clearly co-opted by the demonstrators, constantly waved to proclaim their loyalty to the homeland, thus defusing any claims by the regimes that these demonstrators were unpatriotic. The ongoing demonstrations in Bahrain, Yemen, and as far as I can tell Algeria, have also adopted the national flag as their symbol.

But something quite different is happening in Libya.The flag used from Libyan independence in 1951 until Qadhafi's revolution of 1969 (above) has been waved by many of the demonstrators, and in the last few days as Libya's diplomatic corps has jumped ship, many Libyan Embassies and consulates abroad have raised the old flag instead of the unadorned green banner of Qadhafi's Jamahiriyya (right).

This is not, presumably, nostalgia for the Sanusi monarchy overthrown in 1969, but for a flag that was distinctively Libyan. The old flag had the star and crescent in a tricolor (sometimes said to stand for Tripolitania, Cyrenaica, and Fezzan). The current flag looks more like a semaphore flag than a national ensign: it's the world's only national flag consisting of only one color and no other insignia.

Between 1969 and the adoption of the Jamahiriyya flag in 1977 Libya used two other flags. The first was a horizontal tricolor in the red, white and black of the old Arab revolt flag (left), which except for its dimensions was pretty much identical to the flag Yemen uses today. Given the latter fact, it isn't a good candidate for revival.

Then from 1972 until 1977, Libya joined with Egypt and Syria in the Federation of Arab Republics, which was pretty evanescent except for the three countries adopting virtually identical flags, with the Falcon of Qureish on each, and differing only in the name under the falcon. (The illustration is actually the version with Egypt's inscription, predecessor to the present Egyptian flag which replaced the Falcon of Qureish with the Eagle of Saladin.)

All three countries later changed their flags, but Qadhafi's solid green banner seems the odd one out. I can only guess why the first flag of independent Libya has become the emblem of the revolt, but I suspect it's the one unambiguously Libyan flag in the lot.

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The Spreading Winter of Discontent

With unrest simultaneously in Yemen, Bahrain, Libya and Iran, still simmering in Algeria and starting to stir in Iraq, it is almost amusing to watch how the international news agencies find themselves trying to cover all the bases. Certainly a single blogger can't cover it all. I've primarily specialized in Egypt and know Tunisia pretty well, so paid a lot of attention to those dramas. But I can't cover them all. Even the networks are stretching thin. And I do have a Journal to edit.

As I've said before on this blog, even those of us getting calls to explain it all are at a loss; everything we've learned about the region has been turned on its head. We really don't know what's going to happen, even in Tunisia and Egypt where the old leaders have already fallen. Forty years of experience and I find myself as unsure of the future as the newest student in the field.

I do, however, think it is important to keep the national differences in mind, as well as the potential consequences. We've seen the unrest in autocratic republics (beginning with Tunisia and Egypt), monarchies (Bahrain and Jordan), and a Jamahiriya (Libya's self-proclaimed system); in a wide range of Sunni countries but also in Shi‘ite Iran and mixed Sunni-Shi‘a Bahrain and Iraq. Oil states (Algeria, Iraq, Iran, Bahrain) and non-oil states have been hit.

Nor are the consequences the same across the board. These revolutions and uprisings are not about the United States and the US has limited ability to control events. But the US would welcome a change of regime in Iran and probably not mourn too much a change in Libya, while Bahrain might be another matter, since the US Fifth fleet is based there.

And I suspect the roller-coaster ride is just beginning.

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